Vox Patrum, 2018, Vol. 70
Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12153/1170
Browse
Recent Submissions
listelement.badge.dso-type Item , Święty Roman Melodos, Kontakion na święto „Spotkania Pana” – „Ofiarowania Jezusa w Świątyni Jerozolimskiej” (Contacium in Hypapante Domini, CPG 7570; hymn 14)(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Degórski, Bazylilistelement.badge.dso-type Item , Święty Jan Chryzostom, Homilie do Drugiego Listu św. Pawła Apostoła do Koryntian (Hom. 1-3) (In epistulam II ad Corinthios argumentum et homiliae 1-3, CPG 4429)(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Paciorek, Antonilistelement.badge.dso-type Item , Wizerunek pustyni i jej mieszkańców w świetle świadectw Świętych Ojców z Synaju(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Wolińska, TeresaWe owe important testimonies about local nomads to monks and pilgrims visiting Sinai. The information about them can be found in the works of Nilus of Sinai, Nilus of Ancyra, Ammonius, Jerome, Anastasius Sinaita or John Moschos. The image of the nomads, both Arabs and Blemmyds is painted in rather dark colours. The Christian authors pointed to the fact that they did not have permanent residences, nor cultivated land, but lived on what they hunted or robbed. They devoted much attention to the attacks of the nomads on monasteries, hermits and pilgrims. They also reported the fate of the latter in captivity. They were shocked by Saracen beliefs, the cult of al-Uzza, identified with Aphrodite and bloody victims, especially human, although the latter has often been questioned by researchers. It seems that such practices may have happened, although rarely. Those Saracens who had adopted Christianity were presented in a different manner. They were allies of monks and hermits, defending them fromtheir pagan brothers. Even if their customs had not radically changed, for the Christian writers they were no longer barbarians. In the written sources, there is little information about collaboration between ascetics and nomadic communities, although we know from the archaeological sources that it took place, even in the form of trade exchange.listelement.badge.dso-type Item , „Et ait: «Faciamus hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem nostram»” (Rdz 1, 26). Próba egzegezy bizantyńskiej na przykładzie Komentarza do Księgi Rodzaju Anastazego z Synaju(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Jóźwiak, MagdalenaThe Hexaëmeron, traditionally ascribed to Anastasius of Sinai may be one of the most important works of Christian mysticism from the Byzantine era. Three factors make it especially significant. First, it is one of the longest and most detailed surviving examples of Christian mystical exegesis as practiced in the Byzantine period. Second, this commentary is an extensive and unified exposition of the theology of an important Church writer. And finally, the Hexaëmeron is not only steeped in biblical literature, but also contains a large reservoir of quotes and paraphrases of the early Church Fathers on the first three chapters of Genesis. In this article, I analyzed book VI of the Commentary to the Book of Genesis (PG 89, 921-938) by Anastasius of Sinai, in which Anastasius comments, inter alia, the verse from Genesis 1, 26. The main goal of my analysis was to answer the question whether Anastasius – the Byzantine exegete – in her exegesis of the Holy Scriptures, using the earlier considerations of the Fathers of the Church, is at least to a small extent original or uncritical rewrites the previous interpretations, not including any of these interpretations?listelement.badge.dso-type Item , Image and Metaphor of the Sea in the Homilies on the Gospel of Saint Matthew by John Chrysostom(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Szczur, PiotrIn this article analyzes all statements of John Chrysostom from the Homilies on the Gospel of Saint Matthew containing terms: pšlagoj and q£lassa, used by our author as a designation of the sea. This analysis allowed for the extraction of few groups of sea metaphors. Chrysostom points on the sea as one of the elements of the Universe (together with heaven and earth). He describes the sea as a dangerous and uncontrollable wild element, but still subjected to Christ. The image of the sea, which – because of its enormity – is beyond other elements of the Universe, is used by Golden Tongued to describe immensity and commonness. And the reference to sea threats (winds, sea currents, storms, shallows) inclines him to describe human life as a sailing across the rough sea.listelement.badge.dso-type Item , Panorama Konstantynopola w Liber chronicarum Hartmanna Schedla (1493). Miasto idealne – memoria chrześcijaństwa(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Mazurczak, UrszulaThe historical research of the illustrated Nuremberg Chronicle [Schedelsche Weltchronik (English: Schedel’s World Chronicle)] of Hartmann Schedel comprises the complex historical knowledge about numerous woodcuts which present views of various cities important in the world’s history, e.g. Jerusalem, Constantinople, or the European ones such as: Rome, some Italian, German or Polish cities e.g. Wrocław and Cracow; some Hungarian and some Czech Republic cities. Researchers have made a serious study to recognize certain constructions in the woodcuts; they indicated the conservative and contractual architecture, the existing places and the unrealistic (non-existent) places. The results show that there is a common detail in all the views – the defensive wall round each of the described cities. However, in reality, it may not have existed in some cities during the lifetime of the authors of the woodcuts. As for some further details: behind the walls we can see feudal castles on the hills shown as strongholds. Within the defensive walls there are numerous buildings with many towers typical for the Middle Ages and true-to-life in certain ways of building the cities. Schematically drawn buildings surrounded by the ring of defensive walls indicate that the author used certain patterns based on the previously created panoramic views. This article is an attempt of making analogical comparisons of the cities in medieval painting. The Author of the article presents Roman mosaics and the miniature painting e.g. the ones created in the scriptorium in Reichenau. Since the beginning of 14th century Italian painters such as: Duccio di Buoninsegna, Giotto di Bondone, Simone Martini and Ambrogio Lorenzetti painted parts of the cities or the entire monumental panoramas in various compositions and with various meanings. One defining rule in this painting concerned the definitions of the cities given by Saint Isidore of Seville, based on the rules which he knew from the antique tradition. These are: urbs – the cities full of architecture and buildings but uninhabited or civita – the city, the living space of the human life, build-up space, engaged according to the law, kind of work and social hierarchy. The tradition of both ways of describing the city is rooted in Italy. This article indicates the particular meaning of Italian painting in distributing the image of the city – as the votive offering. The research conducted by Chiara Frugoni and others indicated the meaning of the city images in the painting of various forms of panegyrics created in high praise of cities, known as laude (Lat.). We can find the examples of them rooted in the Roman tradition of mosaics, e.g. in San Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna. They present both palatium and civitas. The medieval Italian painting, especially the panel painting, presents the city structure models which are uninhabited and deprived of any signs of everyday life. The models of cities – urbs, are presented as votive offerings devoted to their patron saints, especially to Virgin Mary. The city shaped as oval or sinusoidal rings surrounded by the defensive walls resembled a container filled with buildings. Only few of them reflected the existing cities and could mainly be identified thanks to the inscriptions. The most characteristic examples were: the fresco of Taddeo di Bartolo in Palazzo Publico in Siena, which presented the Dominican Order friar Ambrogio Sansedoni holding the model of his city – Siena, with its most recognizable building - the Cathedral dedicated to the Assumption of Mary. The same painter, referred to as the master painter of the views of the cities as the votive offerings, painted the Saint Antilla with the model of Montepulciano in the painting from 1401 for the Cathedral devoted to the Assumption of Mary in Montepulciano. In the painting made by T. di Bartolo, the bishop of the city of Gimignano, Saint Gimignano, presents the city in the shape of a round lens surrounded by defence walls with numerous church towers and the feudal headquarters characteristic for the city. His dummer of the city is pyramidally-structured, the hills are mounted on the steep slopes reflecting the analogy to the topography of the city. We can also find the texts of songs, laude (Lat.) and panegyrics created in honour of the cities and their rulers, e.g. the texts in honour of Milan, Bonvesin for La Riva, known in Europe at that time. The city – Arcadia (utopia) in the modern style. Hartman Schedel, as a bibliophile and a scholar, knew the texts of medieval writers and Italian art but, as an ambitious humanist, he could not disregard the latest, contemporary trends of Renaissance which were coming from Nuremberg and from Italian cities. The views of Arcadia – the utopian city, were rapidly developing, as they were of great importance for the rich recipient in the beginning of the modern era overwhelmed by the early capitalism. It was then when the two opposites were combined – the shepherd and the knight, the Greek Arcadia with the medieval city. The reception of Virgil’s Arcadia in the medieval literature and art was being developed again in the elite circles at the end of 15th century. The cultural meaning of the historical loci, the Greek places of the ancient history and the memory of Christianity constituted the essence of historicism in the Renaissance at the courts of the Comnenos and of the Palaiologos dynasty, which inspired the Renaissance of the Latin culture circle. The pastoral idleness concept came from Venice where Virgil’s books were published in print in 1470, the books of Ovid: Fasti and Metamorphoses were published in 1497 and Sannazaro’s Arcadia was published in 1502, previously distributed in his handwriting since 1480. Literature topics presented the historical works as memoria, both ancient and Christian, composed into the images. The city maps drawn by Hartmann Schedel, the doctor and humanist from Nurnberg, refer to the medieval images of urbs, the woodcuts with the cities, known to the author from the Italian painting of the greatest masters of the Trecenta period. As a humanist he knew the literature of the Renaissance of Florence and Venice with the Arcadian themes of both the Greek and the Roman tradition. The view of Constantinople in the context of the contemporary political situation, is presented in a series of monuments of architecture, with columns and defensive walls, which reminded of the history of the city from its greatest time of Constantine the Great, Justinian I and the Comnenus dynasty. Schedel’s work of art is the sum of the knowledge written down or painted. It is also the result of the experiments of new technology. It is possible that Schedel was inspired by the hymns, laude, written by Psellos in honour of Constantinople in his elaborate ecphrases as the panegyrics for the rulers of the Greek dynasty – the Macedonians. Already in that time, the Greek ideal of beauty was reborn, both in literature and in fine arts. The illustrated History of the World presented in Schedel’s woodcuts is given to the recipients who are educated and to those who are anonymous, in the spirit of the new anthropology. It results from the nature of the woodcut reproduction, that is from the way of copying the same images. The artist must have strived to gain the recipients for his works as the woodcuts were created both in Latin and in German. The collected views were supposed to transfer historical, biblical and mythological knowledge in the new way of communication.listelement.badge.dso-type Item , Kilka uwag o wpływie hezychazmu na przedstawienie chrztu Chrystusa na przykładzie sztuki z terenów Królestwa Serbii(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Piórecka, AgnieszkaThe influence of hesychasm on representation on Christ’s baptism isn’t so obvious as in the case of transfiguration, anastasis or koimesis. On the contrary to the mentioned above, it hasn’t had its own study. We can assume, that the rise of interest in hesychasm during the kingship of Milutin is connected to Milutin’s programme of translation important theological and philosophical texts into Serbian language. In all referred images, we can see a manifestation of the mystical light of God. In the case of transfigurations, koimesis and anastasis, this light is illustrated by mandorla (almond-shaped aureole) around Christ. In depictions of baptism, mandorla surround the dove of the Holy Spirit. In the Serbian art mandorla takes, repeatedly, very complicated shapes. Additionally, in the baptism and koimesis scenes, above Christ’s head, appear open doors of Heaven. This can emphasise presence of God.listelement.badge.dso-type Item , Miejsce ekfrazy w bizantynistycznej historiografii artystycznej(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Smorąg Różycka, MałgorzataIn Byzantium, writing ekphrases was one of the standard literary skills, developed during school instruction. Yet, in Byzantine art history, the analysis of Byzantine ekphrases had long been beyond the scope of researchers who favoured rather the iconographic and formal comparative methods. It was not until the discovery of the role of rhetoric in the shaping of pictorial formulae and iconographic programmes of paintings, by H. Maguire, that the importance of ekphrases was fully recognised – especially as far as interpretation of the contents of art works and the understanding of mechanisms governing the development of iconographic and compositional programmes that ‘defied’ the canon were concerned. The examples of ‘reversed’ compositional schemes in the Christ’s Entry into Jerusalem scene in the Church of the Virgin at Daphni or the Holy Myrrhbearers at the Sepulchre in the Mileševa Monastery, discussed in the present paper, considered within a broad context of architectural space and the liturgy, have demonstrated that the Byzantine artist was able to freely shape his pictorial formulae while looking for new ways of visualising dogmatic content, especially in the period after the Iconoclastic Controversy (726-843). An example of Michael Psellos’ ekphrasis of an image of the Crucifixion further proves that also Byzantine writers were faced with a similar problem of finding adequate forms for expressing dogmatic content in keeping with the literary canon. In his description of the image, Psellos not only identified its particular elements (schemata) but also referred to the experience and knowledge of the recipient who was supposed to be able to discern in the picture also the reality that could not be represented using artistic means. Thus, the above affinity between the artistic and literary stances seems to release the researchers of Byzantine art from strict adherence to stereotypical interpretations in keeping with the methodological canon.listelement.badge.dso-type Item , Jeden z herezjarchów? Przedstawienia ikonograficzne Mahometa w rękopisie Рнб, f.IV.151 w kontekście staroruskich narracji na jego temat(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Brzozowska, Zofia A.The РНБ, F.IV.151 manuscript is the third volume of a richly illustrated historiographical compilation (so-called Лицевой летописный свод – Illustrated Chronicle of Ivan the Terrible), which was prepared in one copy for tsar Ivan IV the Terrible in 1568-1576 and represents the development of the Russian state on the broad background of universal history. The aforementioned manuscript, which contains a description of the history of the Roman Empire and then the Byzantine Empire between the seventies of the 1st century A.D and 919, includes also an extensive sequence devoted to Muhammad (Ѡ Бохмите еретицѣ), derived from the Old Church Slavonic translation of the chronicle by George the Monk (Hamartolus). It is accompanied by two miniatures showing the representation of the founder of Islam. He was shown in an almost identical manner as the creators of earlier heterodox trends, such as Arius or Nestorius. These images therefore become a part of the tendency to perceive Muhammad as a heresiarch, a false prophet, and the religion he created as one of the heresies within Christianity, which is also typical of the Old Russian literature.listelement.badge.dso-type Item , Vignetten von Konstantinopel in den Mittelalterlichen und Frühneuzeitlichen Karten. Die Entwicklung eines Graphischen Topos der Stadt(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Kochanek, PiotrArtykuł jest oparty na analizie 45 winiet Konstantynopola, które znajdują się na mapach powstałych w latach 775-1679. Opracowanie niniejsze zostało podzielone na dwie części. Pierwsza część zawiera „metryki” analizowanych map (1-41B), ułożone w porządku chronologicznym, oraz tabelę (I), w która umieszczono reprodukcje wspomnianych wyżej 45 winiet greckiej metropolii. Układ tej tabeli koresponduje z układem „metryk” map. Druga część artykułu składa się z siedmiu tabel (II-VIII), w których wykorzystano materiał z tabeli I. Te tabelaryczne zestawienia przedstawiają różne warianty graficznego toposu Konstantynopola, a towarzyszą im analityczne komentarze. I tak tabela II grupuje winiety prezentujące Konstantynopol jako miasto-twierdzę. Tabela III zbiera z kolei winiety, które wyobrażają Miasto w formie donżonu lub burgu. Tabela IV zawiera winiety, na których Konstantynopol posiada schemat bramy obronnej. Z kolei tabela V ukazuje ewolucję graficznego toposu miasta, w którym dominują elementy architektury sakralnej, podkreślając znaczenie Konstantynopola jako jednej ze stolic Pentarchii. Natomiast tabela VI zbiera mini-weduty greckiej metropolii. Z kolei tabela VII ukazuje fortyfikacje Miasta z profilu, a naprzeciw nich lokalizuje genueńską dzielnicę Pera, leżącą po drugiej stronie Złotego Rogu. Wreszcie ostatnia tabela (VIII) przedstawia te winiety, których graficzna treść nie przystaje do żadnego z wyżej wymienionych toposów. W konsekwencji artykuł wyróżnia sześć graficznych toposów Konstantynopola (tab. II-VII), uchwytnych na jego kartograficznych winietach między rokiem 775 a 1679.listelement.badge.dso-type Item , Kolorystyka szczegółów geograficznych w Notitia dignitatum pars orientis według rękopisów Oxoniensis Canonicianus misc. 378 i monacensis latinus 10291(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Wiewiorowski, JacekThe text analyses the reality of the colours used in the topographical allusions of the insignia of late Roman officials, known from the Notitia dignitatum in partibus Orientis from the turn of the 5th century, preserved in Oxoniensis Canonicianus Misc. 378 and Monacensis Latinus 10291 - Not. Dig. Or. 28, 29, 31, 34, 36, 38, 39, 37. The author links the accuracy of colours used by the illustrators of the insignia with the intention of the Notitia dignitatum to give the emperor and other members of late Roman elite a relatively coherent picture of the geographically remote regions of the Eastern Roman Empire. He subsequently relates it to the functioning of human brain as a pattern recognizer shared universally by human beings, despite that colour perception among Humans is strongly affected by culture and calling for the inclusion of data collected by evolutionary psychology and other evolutionary research in historical studies.listelement.badge.dso-type Item , Car bułgarski Piotr (927-969) w bizantyńskiej historiografii X-XII wieku(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Leszka, Mirosław J.Byzantine historians tied Peter primarily with the establishment of the lasting peace with the Empire in 927. In the sources that present the events from before the reign of the emperor Nikephor Phokas (963-969), when the relations between both states deteriorated, Peter is commonly portrayed as a peacemaker, a deeply religious man, accepting of the Byzantine way of understanding the role of the ruler in religious matters. However, Byzantine authors point out that Peter was able to successfully secure his position and ruthlessly deal with his enemies. The sources describing the events from the last years of his reign portray him as a prideful person, daring to stand up against the Byzantine basileÚj, and who gets rightfully and severely punished for his actions. It should be noted that most often the Byzantine authors did not describe their attitude towards Peter, and did not judge him directly. This results in the reader having to build the image of the Bulgarian ruler himself, based on how the sources describe the events concerning his reign.listelement.badge.dso-type Item , Roma capta! – Uwagi na temat relacji o zdobyciu Rzymu w 410 i 455 r. w dziełach wybranych autorów późnoantycznych(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Wilczyński, MarekIn the presented article the author analyses depictions of sieges and captures of Rome in the years 408-410 and 455 passed on by selected authors of Latin and Greek sources from the late antique. The scope of the research included sources containing more extensive narratives, while sources containing only laconic annual information solely about the fact of capturing the city were rejected. In the depictions of the capture of Rome by Alaric in 410 the authors rather tend to seek supernatural reasons, and less often logical explanations of the origin of the events, contrary to the depictions of the year 455, where one can find almost exclusively rational justifications for the course of events, determined by political situation. While discussing the events of the year 410 the authors oftentimes create their own original digressions and allow for deviations from the historic reality. The relations about the year 455 are consistent and show only minor differences. Contrary to later opinions, the capture of Rome in 410 was not considered a gigantic tragedy outside Italy, although it was recognized as a breakthrough moment. For the eastern historians these events are remote, taking place in lands far from Constantinople and often their depiction is used to indicate the superiority of the Eastern Empire over the Western Empire. Sacco di Roma by Genseric in 455, which is referred more precisely and recognized as an element of significant history and politics of the East (Vandals corsair raids, Leo the Thracian’s expedition, recapturing Africa during the reign of Justinian I), is treated in an entirely different manner.listelement.badge.dso-type Item , Dialog filozofii z historią: zagadkowy wstęp do Historii powszechnej Teofilakta Simokatty(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Kotłowska, AnnaThe paper seeks to propose an interpretation of Dialogue between History and Philosophy – prefatory to Simocattes’ History. In the author’s opinion, this brief text deprived of literary value, provides for Theophylactus’ peculiar attempt to justify his actions and behavior during the usurpation of Phokas (602-610). Vague mythological metaphors were meant to divert attention from certain biographical facts and to redirect the discussion to the sphere of universal reflections on the rules of power, thereby releasing Theophylactus from potential liability. Therefore, the Dialogue should be understood as a text of an apologetic nature, written from authors’ personal perspective. Such interpretation differs from the few previous ones which, although scarce, have excessively highlighted rhetorical aspects of the text, suggesting even that it has been written at a request of the new government.listelement.badge.dso-type Item , Teologiczne podstawy monastycznej mistyki nestoriańskiej (syro-orientalnej) w listach Jana z Dalijata(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Uciecha, AndrzejThe article attempts to draw an outline of the mystic theology of the Nestorian monk John of Dalyatha (John Saba, „the Elder”), who lived at the border of what is now Turkey and Iraq at the turn of the 7th and the 8th centuries. His literary output consists of the letters and the homilies and belongs to the „golden age” of the East Syrian Christian literature. In line with the Nestorian Orthodoxy, John Saba denied the perception of the God’s nature, which was identified by him with the transcendent nature of Father. He accepted, however, a contemplation of God’s glory, understood as a radiance and a reflection of the invisible nature. John of Dalyatha was the only mystic who attempted to explain this distinction in the light of ideas of St. Paul (2Cor 3:18 and 4:6). The subject of the current analysis is the idea behind the expressions „remembrance of God” and „the world of changeability”. Unceasing looking at the God, and searching for Him deep into the heart is necessary for the development of mystical sensitivity. The psychological depth of John’s religious programme is striking. In the human soul, the heart is the place of a union with the God, as it was in „the Holy of Holies”. John conveys his spiritual experience, although he is fully conscious of imperfect means through which man can communicate the mysteries of God.listelement.badge.dso-type Item , Sophronius, A Monk Of Palestine, And Miaenergism. The Tension Between Exactness Amd Ambiguity(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Kashchuk, OleksandrAutorzy, którzy badali spór wokół chrystologicznej doktryny monoenergetyzmu, zwrócili uwagę na różne aspekty kontrowersji. Celem artykułu jest zrozumienie czy kwestia społeczno-kulturowa może być również przedmiotem konfrontacji między Sofroniuszem z Jerozolimy a Sergiuszem z Konstantynopola. Poglądy Sofroniusza zostały uformowane w tradycji monastycyzmu palestyńskiego, który był wierny wobec dosłownego wyznania chalcedońskiej chrystologii dwóch natur. W związku z tym wyraził on swój protest przeciwko stwierdzeniu o jednym działaniu w Chrystusie. W odpowiedzi Sergiusz z Konstantynopola opracował swoją taktykę, aby bronić stanowiska Konstantynopolitańskiego Kościoła i rządu. W konsekwencji powstało napięcie między dwoma patriarchami. Artykuł analizuje szczegóły konfrontacji.listelement.badge.dso-type Item , Reguła mistrza o wyborze i nauczaniu opata(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Czyżewski, Bogdan StanisławThe monasteries which were raised in the Church in first centuries demanded rules stating life of their members. The initatior and founder of these monasteries was saint Pashomius. It’s noteworthy to remind anonymous work which were made in nine century called The Regula Magistri. This extensive ancient opus containing collection of monastic rules written by author of unknown name, was created in about fifth century south of Rome. Nowadays, we assume that The Regula Magistri became a model for the rule of Saint Benedict. The Rule of the Master was written for the monastery where the leading role was up to Abbot. He was the one who was preaching, teaching and he, indeed, was a master for his disciples. Several chapter of this monumetal work is dedicated to the rules and procedures of choosing the abbot. It also contains list of the most important tasks which belonged to his office – these are the subject of this study. What’s interesting is that, the new abbot was being elected by his predecessor when he sensed that he is going to die shortly or serious ill makes him incapable of continuing his tasks. Abbot was looking after his brothers and encouraged them to acquire virtues. This kind of challenge could seem useful, because it was the motivating factor to, fulfill God’s will with dignity and humble, and also to life by the abbey’s rules. On the other hand, it could also had been dramatic, because the ascetic way of life sometimes was understood only in human succes category. The candidate was introduced on his duty by local bishop in special liturgical rite. There were also rules dedicated to possibly removal of the abbot, who – when his predecessor still lived – seemed to be unhumble and improper man for this office. The Rule also contains special instruction for the situation, when abbot dies in sudden death and had not decided who would have been his successor. The author of the Master’s Rule also draws attention to the manner of teaching conducted by the Abbot. The most important was the testimony of life, fidelity to the binding rules, exercising in virtues and avoiding sins. The Rule of the Master teach the Abbot, that he should be humble, treat the brothers equally, be responsible for the others and for himself, and ask as all brother for the opiniong in issues relating to the monastery.listelement.badge.dso-type Item , Znaczenie wyglądu zewnętrznego dziewic i mnichów w formacji duchowej w klasztorach Galii i Hiszpanii (VI-VII w.)(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Wygralak, PawełThe article discusses the influence of the way of the monastic dress code on helping nuns and monks stay on their spiritual path during formation. The Focus of the study are the rules for nuns and monks developed in the 6th and 7th centuries in Gaul and Spain. The authors of the rules were convinced that the very strict requirements regarding the clothing, as well as the behavior, of consecrated persons, serve the practice of seeking virtue through poverty, obedience and humility. It was required that all the inhabitants of a monastery should wear simple habits with natural colors that no one could consider to be their property. Attention was also paid to the asceticism of sight and the way of walking, which served to preserve the virtue of purity. For the same reason, one was not allowed to take too many baths, except in the case of disease. The whole life of the celibate nuns and monks should be focused on the caring for the development of their spiritual life, and not on the pursuit of external appearance. The humble acceptance of poor attire, temperance in care for the body, and the ability to exercise self-control his eyesight, testified to the spiritual maturity of the nun and the monk.listelement.badge.dso-type Item , Wczesnochrześcijańskie ruchy paramonastyczne na podstawie Diversarum hereseon liber Filastriusza z Brescii oraz innych katalogów herezji(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Szram, MariuszThe catalog of the heresies of Filastrius of Brescia, like other early Christian collections of informations about heterodox movements at the time, testifies the existence of groups characterized by excessively rigorous asceticism. Their description is the subject of the article. Most of these unorthodox paramonastic movements were based on the Gnostic and Manichean assumptions. The groups that accentuated the exaggerated role of prayer, among which the Messialians were the leaders, have gained wide coverage. Descriptions of their activities take up a lot of space in the early Christian catalogs of heresies, especially in the case of John of Damascus. Filastrius, however, for some reason misguided the activity of the Messalians. This fact requires a careful treatment of the historical credibility of his work on heresies.listelement.badge.dso-type Item , Aquileienses clerici quasi chorus beatorum habentur (Hieronim, Kronika, rok 374). Przykład życia religijnego duchownych pod koniec IV wieku(Wydawnictwo KUL, 2018) Bastit-Kalinowska, AgnèsThe end of the fourth century sees the emergence, in the West, of several experiences of monastic life in the city for the bishop and a part of his presbyterium (Eusèbe of Vercelli, Martin of Tours, Paulin of Nola, Augustin of Hippo). A similar attempt, around the priest Chromace of Aquileia (before his episcopate, and maybe even later), is documented by some testimonies of Jerome from Stridon and Rufin from Aquileia for the years 370s. These testimonies are the object of the present study.