Focus-feature and wh-feature in the light of pied piping behavior in Hungarian

Abstract

This paper presents the findings of two experiments on pied-piping by a prenominal adjunct in Hungarian focus- and wh-constructions. According to Webelhuth (1992) and Cable (2010), pied-piping from adjunct islands is prohibited. The results of the experiments, however, suggest that not only is it possible in Hungarian for the pied-piper to be embedded inside an adjunct island but the embedding of the pied-piper and the movement itself are unrestricted in focus-construction. Pied-piping shows a similar picture in wh-constructions with the restriction that the wh-element has to be discourse-linked for pied-piping to be allowed.