Browsing by Author "Bondaruk, Anna"

Now showing 1 - 4 of 4
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    A comparison of the modal dać się structure with the dispositional middle in Polish
    (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2015) Bondaruk, Anna
    The paper compares the modal dać się structure with the dispositional middle in Polish. It is argued that the two structures are similar as regards argument realization, i.e. in both constructions, the theme argument appears in the structural subject position. The two structures also have a dispositional meaning in common. However, they show a number of differences. They differ in the presence of a syntactically active agent, their aspectual properties, the availability of episodic interpretations, the obligatory presence of an adverbial modifier, and verb class restrictions. Although these differences seem to argue against a common syntactic derivation for the two structures analysed here, they do not preclude classifying the modal dać się structure as a subtype of the dispositional middle. If middles are seen as a notional category, understood as a special meaning that different grammatical structures can have, along the lines postulated by Condoravdi (1989), then the modal dać się structure can be subsumed under the label of middle. In fact, it is argued that the modal dać się structure represents Type II middles in Ackema and Schoorlemmer’s (2005) typology, and it shows properties typical of lassen-middles in German (Pitteroff 2014).
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    Against the psych causative alternation in Polish
    ("Studies in Polish Linguistics" 2019, Special Volume 1, s. 77-97, 2019) Rozwadowska, Bożena; Bondaruk, Anna
    The paper examines Object Experiencer (henceforth, OE)/Subject Experiencer (henceforth, SE) verb alternations in Polish in order to check whether Polish exhibits the causative/ anticausative alternation in the psych domain (psych causative alternation of Alexiadou and Iordăchioaia 2014, henceforth A&I 2014). The focus is on two types of SE reflexive alternants of OE verbs, i.e., (i) SE forms with an obligatory instrumental case-marked DP derived from stative OE roots, and (ii) SE forms with an optional instrumental DP derived from eventive OE roots. It is argued that in both cases the reflexive SE alternants of either stative or eventive OE verbs have an obligatory or optional instrumental DP which acts as a complement and represents a Target/Subject Matter (henceforth, T/SM, cf. Pesetsky 1995), not a Cause. Therefore, the reflexive OE/SE verb alternation cannot be of the causative/ anticausative type. Monovalent reflexive SE verbs, lacking an instrumental DP altogether, are unergative (Reinhart 2001), not unaccusative (contra A&I 2014). The overall conclusion reached in the paper is that the psych causative alternation is absent in Polish.
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    Passivisation of Polish Object Experiencer verbs vs. the unaccusativity hypothesis (Part I)
    (:Studies in Polish Linguistics" 2017, Volume 12(2), s. 57-73, 2017) Bondaruk, Anna; Rozwadowska, Bożena; Witkowski, Wojciech
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    Passivisation of Polish Object Experiencer verbs vs. the unaccusativity hypothesis (Part II)
    (Studies in Polish Linguistics, 2017, Volume 12(3), s. 123-144, 2017) Bondaruk, Anna; Rozwadowska, Bożena; Witkowski, Wojciech